DeSantis said. âWe have the right to hold them accountable, and itâs not just if they happen to come over our border. If Mexico is not going to help us with that, well then weâre going to have to do what we have to do,â he continued. The comments represent a growing group of Republicans calling for military intervention in Mexico, as the southern border remains one of the 2024 presidential campaignâs biggest talking points.
Republican presidential candidate Gov. Ron DeSantis (Fla.) said he would use “whatever force we need to” to take down Mexican drug cartels if elected president, with or without help from the Mexican government. The remarks came after a question at a Thursday campaign event in Iowa where he was asked if drone strikes on Mexican soil were on the table. “We will lean in against the drug cartels. We will absolutely reserve the right. If they’re invading our country and killing our people, we have the right to defend this country,” DeSantis said. “We have the right to hold them accountable, and it’s not just if they happen to come over our border. If Mexico is not going to help us with that, well then we’re going to have to do what we have to do,” he continued. The comments represent a growing group of Republicans calling for military intervention in Mexico, as the southern border remains one of the 2024 presidential campaign’s biggest talking points. (...)
This situation as we now have has been caused by Biden's totally open border and all the Sanctuary Cities who beckoned this migration. Period end of story.
The Cartels hacked his asylum entry app and it has not been fixed. The Cartels are running the border like it's the gate to Disneyland. Uncle Joe is the new Walt to their Disneyland.
100 k per year poisoned and no one cares. How long do we have to take this ?
I would get a handle on the border before entering Mexico, otherwise why bother in the first place ?
Republican presidential candidate Gov. Ron DeSantis (Fla.) said he would use âwhatever force we need toâ to take down Mexican drug cartels if elected president, with or without help from the Mexican government. The remarks came after a question at a Thursday campaign event in Iowa where he was asked if drone strikes on Mexican soil were on the table.
âWe will lean in against the drug cartels. We will absolutely reserve the right. If theyâre invading our country and killing our people, we have the right to defend this country,â DeSantis said.
âWe have the right to hold them accountable, and itâs not just if they happen to come over our border. If Mexico is not going to help us with that, well then weâre going to have to do what we have to do,â he continued.
The comments represent a growing group of Republicans calling for military intervention in Mexico, as the southern border remains one of the 2024 presidential campaignâs biggest talking points. (...)
in my humble opinion the level of negativity, contempt and hate that consumes you is not healthy
i hope i'm wrong and you live a long and prosperous life
(...) The deployments involve stepping into a zone of regional rivalries and is not a simple matter of protecting good guys against bad guys. Despite the perennial fixation on Iran, Tehranâs regional rivals â including ones that are the origin or destination of much of that commercial shipping that the administration wants to protect â are just as distant from American values and interests. Saudi Arabia, traditionally the principal rival, is at least as much of an authoritarian state as Iran and an oppressive violator of human rights whose actions and ideology have had lethal consequences for Americans both individually and on a larger scale.
The stated reason for considering the placement of U.S. troops on commercial ships, and part of the background to the other U.S. military deployments to the region, involves Iranâs interception, seizure, or other harassment of some oil tankers transiting the Strait of Hormuz. With different U.S. policies, this situation could have been avoided. Iran has not intercepted shipping because Iranians have some genetic malice that compels them to do such things. As with many other Iranian policies and actions, this practice is reactive.
It was the United States, not Iran, that began the latest round of going after another nationâs tankers and seizing its oil. The U.S. actions reflect a unilateral U.S. policy of trying to prevent Iranian oil exports. This policy is not grounded in international law, and Iran unsurprisingly has labeled the U.S. seizure and selling of Iranian oil as âpiracy.â The U.S. government has not found a buyer for a tanker full of Iranian oil that it seized at sea in April and brought to Houston, because shippers and potential buyers fear repercussions. (...)
In 1980, when I asked the press office at the U.S. Department of Energy to send me a listing of nuclear bomb test explosions, the agency mailed me an official booklet with the title âAnnounced United States Nuclear Tests, July 1945 Through December 1979.â As youâd expect, the Trinity test in New Mexico was at the top of the list. Second on the list was Hiroshima. Third was Nagasaki.
So, 35 years after the atomic bombings of those Japanese cities in August 1945, the Energy Department â the agency in charge of nuclear weaponry â was categorizing them as âtests.â
Later on, the classification changed, apparently in an effort to avert a potential P.R. problem. By 1994, a new edition of the same document explained that the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki âwere not âtestsâ in the sense that they were conducted to prove that the weapon would work as designed . . . or to advance weapon design, to determine weapons effects, or to verify weapon safety.â
But the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki actually were tests, in more ways than one.
Take it from the Manhattan Projectâs director, Gen. Leslie Groves, who recalled: âTo enable us to assess accurately the effects of the bomb, the targets should not have been previously damaged by air raids. It was also desirable that the first target be of such size that the damage would be confined within it, so that we could more definitely determine the power of the bomb.â
A physicist with the Manhattan Project, David H. Frisch, remembered that U.S. military strategists were eager âto use the bomb first where its effects would not only be politically effective but also technically measurable.â
For good measure, after the Trinitybomb test in the New Mexico desert used plutonium as its fission source on July 16, 1945, in early August the military was able to test both a uranium-fueled bomb on Hiroshima and a second plutonium bomb on Nagasaki to gauge their effects on big cities.
Public discussion of the nuclear era began when President Harry Truman issued a statement that announced the atomic bombing of Hiroshima â which he described only as âan important Japanese Army base.â It was a flagrant lie. A leading researcher of the atomic bombings of Japan, journalist Greg Mitchell, has pointed out: âHiroshima was not an âarmy baseâ but a city of 350,000. It did contain one important military headquarters, but the bomb had been aimed at the very center of a city â and far from its industrial area.â
Mitchell added: âPerhaps 10,000 military personnel lost their lives in the bomb but the vast majority of the 125,000 dead in Hiroshima would be women and children.â Three days later, when an atomic bomb fell on Nagasaki, âit was officially described as a ânaval baseâ yet less than 200 of the 90,000 dead were military personnel.â
Since then, presidents have routinely offered rhetorical camouflage for reckless nuclear policies, rolling the dice for global catastrophe. In recent years, the most insidious lies from leaders in Washington have come with silence â refusing to acknowledge, let alone address with genuine diplomacy, the worsening dangers of nuclear war.
in my humble opinion the level of negativity, contempt and hate that consumes you is not healthy i hope i'm wrong and you live a long and prosperous life
in my humble opinion the level of negativity, contempt and hate that consumes you is not healthy
i hope i'm wrong and you live a long and prosperous life
Minihan followed up by releasing a 20-page âMobility Manifestoâ that was both urgent and irreverent. âIf you are easily offended by intentional crass, please stop reading now,â he wrote in the opening. The document goes on to criticize âexcuse-laden admiration for the status quoâ and declare that air mobility forces were in âcrisis.â
While U.S. airmen are the best in the world, he wrote, there is âsignificant riskâ in inaction that requires ârevolutionaryâ moves to ensure that the Air Force can continue to do its part.âIf this comes across as harsh, good,â Minihan wrote. âWe are not looking for blue skies or smooth air. We are looking to deliver.â
Weeks later, Minihanâs memo predicting war within China drew international attention. He ordered airmen to get their personal affairs in order and to âfire a clip into a 7-meter target with the full understanding that unrepentant lethality matters most.â
âAim for the headâ when doing so, he directed.
The Pentagon distanced itself from the remarks, while Chinaâs state-run Global Times cited analysts decrying what they called the U.S. militaryâs prevalence of âsuper-hawkish war maniacs.â
One influential retired general, Barry McCaffrey, tweeted that Minihan needed âto be placed on terminal leave,â effectively fired, after showing bad judgment and âcowboy aggression.â
Because the evils of communism were self-evident, few questions arose about how the United States was thwarting Red aggression. When a U.S. Senate subcommittee appointed in 1953 by Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) investigated Korean War atrocities, the committee explicitly declared that âwar crimes were defined as those acts committed by enemy nations.â This same standard prevailed in Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and practically any other place where the U.S. has militarily intervened.